Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 107: The Most Suitable Country to Ally With

When it came to establishing colonies, Franz was also very interested. However, his views differed from others, as it wasn’t solely for plundering wealth from overseas.

The House of Habsburg had existed for too long, and an ancient empire implied conservatism and rigidity. Even though the recent rebellion had prompted a reshuffling, the path to advancement remained narrow.

As a beneficiary of the existing system, Franz couldn’t choose to start from scratch. Therefore, the solution was to make the cake bigger, which would naturally provide more opportunities.

Expanding within Europe was challenging, and even if successful, it came with significant consequences. Overseas colonization, on the other hand, offered a different scenario. Leveraging Austria’s strength to claim a share of the pie presented no real issues.

Almost without spending a significant cost, Austria could acquire colonies many times the size of its homeland. Then, immigrants from the German-speaking regions could gradually develop these colonies. It’s worth noting that the primary source of immigrants in Europe at the time came from the German-speaking regions, so there would be no labor shortage.

If the colonial plan succeeded, Austria’s internal problems would also be resolved. The second-generation nobility would have a purpose and wouldn’t have to stay behind aimlessly.

Not all nobles are wealthy; in reality, this is far from the truth. Just take a look at the church; many missionaries and nuns come from noble backgrounds, and the harsh reason is - poverty.

Impoverished nobles can no longer afford the expenses of marrying off their second sons or providing dowries for their daughters. To preserve what little nobility they have left, they have no choice but to take such measures.

These individuals are not easy to manage; they have received a good education, and many of them are unwilling to accept their assigned fates. The main driving force behind the European colonial movements in the 19th century consisted of individuals like them.

Missionaries who traveled overseas during this period often had an additional identity – that of colonizers.

However, it’s still too early to discuss this matter; Franz decided to delay it further.

“This matter, we will discuss it later. The British Foreign Secretary Palmerston has entered Austria and will arrive in Vienna shortly.

Palmerston’s visit is likely related to the war with the Kingdom of Sardinia. What do you all think should be our approach towards the Kingdom of Sardinia?”

When the Kingdom of Sardinia was mentioned, everyone was quite upset. Great powers all had their dignity, and any challenge had to be taken seriously.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Metternich spoke up, “Your Highness, we have just received news that on June 23rd, a workers’ uprising erupted in Paris. It is said to be because French workers oppose the government’s support for us and the Russians in suppressing the Polish revolution.

If this situation is true, then at this point, the French government may have to abandon the annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia with us in order to maintain domestic stability.”

Hearing this news, everyone was stunned. Who could have imagined that the main factor behind the June Revolution in Paris was to support the Polish revolution?

It sounded like a joke, but Franz knew this news was indeed true. In this era, the people of Paris had developed a sense of internationalism.

Of course, their support for the Polish revolution does not necessarily mean they will also support the Italian revolution. The French still had their eyes on the Italian territories.

However, after this uprising, there would likely be turmoil within France once again. They wouldn’t be able to mobilize their forces until their leadership stabilized.

“This is an opportunity. The Russian and Prussian forces are preoccupied with the Danish War and are unlikely to hinder us. The French are dealing with their own problems. As long as we can withstand the pressure from the British, we can annex the Kingdom of Sardinia!” exclaimed Archduke Louis, excitedly.

Austria had not expanded its territory externally for a long time, and everyone was eager for it. Now, the opportunity had come knocking, and the Kingdom of Sardinia seemed to be asking for trouble this time. It was the perfect moment.

Metternich shook his head and said, “It’s not that simple, I’m afraid. If the French join forces with us and we create a fait accompli, most other countries might accept it. If we unilaterally annex the Kingdom of Sardinia, even if the Russians don’t oppose us, we won’t gain their support. Prussia is busy with the war against Denmark and probably won’t pay much attention to us.

While we can withstand pressure from the British alone, what happens after we swallow Sardinia? When the French resolve their internal conflicts and the Russo-Prussian conflict subsides, at that time, the English and French might jointly intervene, or even the English, French, Prussian, and Russian powers might demand that we withdraw from Sardinia. What will we do then?”

Clearly, Metternich’s diplomatic judgment was very accurate, effortlessly untangling the relationships among the great powers.

Not intervening now does not mean not intervening in the future, and Austria’s annexation of the Kingdom of Sardinia would not be recognized by the great powers. Once everyone frees up their hands, they can settle the scores. Historically, Austria occupied the Danube River basin during the Crimean War, but didn’t they eventually have to give it up?

Prime Minister Felix nodded and said, “Mr. Metternich is right. Swallowing Sardinia is not difficult; the key is the attitudes of other countries. If we make diplomatic efforts, it won’t be hard to keep Prussia and Russia neutral, but gaining their support may come at a great cost, perhaps even more than it’s worth.

As for the French, we all know their stance. They will never tolerate us annexing Sardinia alone, and once they stabilize domestically, they will certainly join hands with the British to interfere. This timeframe could range from a couple of years to a few months. Do we have the confidence to take over Sardinia and digest it in such a short time?

If we can’t achieve that, surrounded by strong enemies with no guerrillas to pillage, Sardinia won't stand a chance.”

Pausing for a moment, Finance Minister Karl proposed, “If we can’t annex the Kingdom of Sardinia, what about demanding war reparations or ceding some of their territories?”

Metternich, with confidence, said, “That depends on the attitude of the British. Whether it’s demanding war reparations or ceding territories, the Kingdom of Sardinia must pay the appropriate price. If they can’t compensate for our wartime losses, then this war won’t end, and I believe the British will provide us with an answer.”

This confidence was rooted in their strength, as there were established protocols among the great powers, and typically, they wouldn’t overturn the table.

The British advantage lay in their isolation overseas and their world-spanning navy, which gave them a somewhat aloof position in Europe.

At the same time, this was also their weakness. As an island nation focusing on sea combat, they naturally sacrificed their combat capabilities on land. To implement a strategy of balancing power in Europe, they needed to cooperate with the major European powers.

Among the many great powers in Europe, Austria was currently the most suitable ally for the British, without a doubt. More precisely, in this era, Austria had the foundation to ally with any European power.

They had a certain level of strength to support their allies’ actions, but they were constrained by internal issues, lacking the capability to vie for world dominance.

For the three countries—Britain, France, and Russia—each aspiring to world hegemony, as long as Austria didn’t unify the German-speaking regions, it was the ideal ally.

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