Holy Roman Empire

Franz’s worries were unnecessary. Before the Austrian government could even remind them, the Russian government had already started taking action.

However, their approach was somewhat clumsy. Perhaps due to a lack of preparation, the evidence presented by the Russians was not very convincing.

At this time, movies didn’t exist, makeup techniques weren’t among the “four great deceptive arts,” and special effects were nowhere to be seen. Faking photographs was still quite difficult.

To be precise, the Russian government didn’t even seem to have the concept of fabricating evidence.

While the Prussian government had already launched its propaganda campaign, the Prussian army on the front lines had long been ordered to strictly observe military discipline. Catching them in any wrongdoing under such circumstances was naturally difficult.

Much of the photographic “evidence” presented by the Russian government was actually provided courtesy of the Austrian government.

These photos were unintentionally taken by the Austrian military while collecting battlefield intelligence. Most were aerial shots taken from airships, with very few taken on the ground.

The clarity of these images was naturally unreliable. It was already considered fortunate if you could make out human figures at all. This was partly because the airships flew too high, and partly because the cameras of the time were not advanced enough.

If it weren’t for newspapers deliberately stirring up controversy to boost their sales, the flimsy evidence presented by the Russian government would have been dismissed without causing even a ripple.

Nevertheless, having some grounds for debate was better than having none at all. Historically, these public opinion battles often ended up drifting off-topic as the discussions went on.

As a professor put it: “The Russian army are bandits, and the Prussian army are brigands.” In short, neither side was anything good.

With one side performing after the other, the Russo-Prussian War provided the European public with quite a dramatic spectacle this winter.

As temperatures dropped, the war between Prussia and Russia gradually began to cool down as well. After winter set in, non-combat casualties among Prussian forces increased daily. To reduce losses, Moltke had no choice but to halt the offensive.

The Russians were indeed better at enduring the cold, but they also needed to stockpile and manage their strategic resources over the winter. Unless they could guarantee victory during the cold months, the Russian army would have to stop as well.

There was no other choice. When spring arrived and the ice and snow melted, the roads would become muddy and nearly impassable, making logistics and supply transportation extremely difficult.

Having suffered once from logistical failures, the Russian government’s bureaucrats had evolved. Why take unnecessary risks when they could methodically crush their enemies instead?

Of course, a “winter offensive” was still necessary. The Russian army continued their relentless assault on Smolensk. Conveniently located on the Dnieper River, the fortress city had easy access to waterborne supplies.

As for other regions, defensive positions were already established. Why not use the winter to strengthen fortifications instead of venturing out for unnecessary field battles?

…

As the Prussian-Russian front stabilized, the war in South America underwent dramatic changes. The Peru-Bolivia alliance, which had initially held the upper hand, gradually fell into disadvantage after British intervention.

Two months ago, 7,000 Chilean soldiers, escorted by six warships, successfully landed near the fortress of Iquique and defeated the Peru-Bolivia allied forces, completely reversing the balance of the two sides.

Looking at the intelligence gathered by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Franz didn’t even know how to begin his criticism. “Hopeless beyond saving” seemed to perfectly describe Bolivia.

Who could have imagined that the Bolivian army was still using bows and crossbows in battle?

If it were due to a lack of resources and they had no other weapons, it might have been understandable. The issue was that Bolivia had received support from Austria and purchased a significant amount of second-hand military equipment before the war erupted.

Franz admitted that the time had been a bit tight, and the Bolivian army was filled with untrained indigenous troops, making it difficult to equip and train them effectively.

But no matter how difficult, they should have made an effort! Even if they couldn’t be turned into a disciplined force, at the very least, they should have been taught how to shoot properly.

From the war preparations to the fall of Iquique, nearly half a year had passed. The army isn’t the navy. If they had made an effort, they could have trained a force capable of basic combat in just a few months.

Franz no longer cared about the deeper internal issues within Bolivia. At this point, he was simply relieved that he had let go in time and stopped trying to support this “dead weight.”

It wasn’t just the Bolivian army that was useless, the victorious Chilean army wasn’t much better either. Facing such a disorganized rabble, they had still taken so long to achieve victory.

This was a war of mediocrity, utterly unremarkable and devoid of any meaningful lessons to be learned. Franz seriously suspected that if Montenegro were placed in South America, it could become the dominant power.

He had previously worried that a rising Chile might pose a threat to Austrian South America, but now he was reassured. If a conflict truly broke out, Chile’s army might not even be able to defeat local militias.

The war in South America was no longer referred to as the “War of the Pacific.” Compared to the brutal Russo-Prussian War, the conflict between Chile, Bolivia, and Peru felt like a children’s game.

European media had already started calling it the “Guano War” or the “Saltpeter War” instead of the “War of the Pacific,” with mockery that was thinly veiled at best.

At this point, Franz began to understand why Europeans carried such a sense of superiority. It wasn’t just arrogance or shortsightedness, it was because their rivals made them look good by comparison.

In the 19th century, the center of the world was undeniably Europe. The continent was home to nearly all the world’s major powers, and there was no real challenger to be found anywhere else.

If there were no world wars in the original timeline, this dominance might have continued for many more years. But history doesn’t entertain “what ifs.” The World Wars were both coincidences and inevitabilities.

Even in the current European landscape, Franz couldn’t guarantee that a large-scale war would never break out. After all, war is simply an extension of politics, and politics is driven by interests.

…

Foreign Minister Wessenberg reported, “Your Majesty, this morning the Chilean ambassador extended an invitation, hoping we could mediate the War of the Pacific. Britain and France have also received similar invitations.”

There was nothing surprising about this. Ever since the Anglo-French-Austrian alliance was announced, the three nations had taken responsibility for mediating global conflicts.

Even if no one invited them, the three countries would proactively offer their services under the noble banner of “world peace.” Although their true intentions were, of course, far less altruistic.

Franz glanced at a map of South America. After a long pause, he finally said, “This Chilean government isn’t too bad. They know when to stop. But will Peru and Bolivia agree?”

Chile had already seized Antofagasta, Tarapacá, Arica, Tacna and other regions rich in saltpeter and guano.

They had taken everything they wanted. Continuing the war offered diminishing returns. The Chilean government’s choice to secure their gains now was undoubtedly the wisest move.

If the war dragged on, whether they could achieve more was uncertain. And if it continued until after the Russo-Prussian War ended, when France and Austria could refocus their attention on South America, consolidating their gains would become far more challenging.

Wessenberg replied, “That would be difficult. Militarily speaking, Peru and Bolivia still have the strength to continue fighting.

Peru, in particular, has a much larger population than Chile. Their current losses are still within acceptable limits, and they believe they still have a chance to turn the tide.

Politically, the situation is even clearer. Due to defeats on the front lines, both Peru and Bolivia have changed governments. Public sentiment heavily favors continuing the war, leaving little room for retreat.

Chile’s invitation for us to intervene is primarily an attempt to use the power of Austria, Britain, and France to pressure the two governments into compromise.”

The slogan “Maintaining World Peace” served as the political banner of the Anglo-French-Austrian alliance. Since this slogan had been publicly proclaimed, the Austrian government couldn’t refuse Chile’s request for mediation, even if only for the sake of appearances.

Not just this “mediation” invitation, whenever any country in the world requested mediation, the three nations would always send representatives.

Britain, France, and Austria’s enthusiastic involvement in international affairs wasn’t without purpose. What appeared to be straightforward international mediation was, in reality, another round of regional interest distribution.

As the three most powerful nations in the world, as long as they were involved, they would inevitably walk away with a share—large or small. This was the essence of the imperialist era.

“Let’s just go through the motions. Our interests in South America are limited. If Peru and Bolivia want to continue the war, let them.

As a responsible great power, we must fully respect the opinions of smaller nations. We cannot blindly impose our will upon them.”

As Franz spoke, he waved his hand dismissively, as if entirely indifferent to the matter. However, the slight furrow of his brow still revealed a trace of discontent.

Ending the war at this moment would undoubtedly mean Britain takes the lion’s share, with Chile following close behind and enjoying the spoils, while France and Austria would merely receive scraps.

Similar situations had happened not just once or twice before. Repeatedly being shortchanged was inevitably frustrating.

In this era of “survival of the fittest,” it was only natural to claim benefits proportional to one’s strength. However, while the power dynamics between Britain, France, and Austria were continuously shifting, the distribution of interests had not changed accordingly.

Encouraging Peru and Bolivia to continue the war was Franz’s counterattack. Since the British wanted to take the lion’s share of the benefits, they might as well continue investing.

If the Peru-Bolivia alliance got lucky and turned the tide on the battlefield, the situation would be very different. Although the chances were slim, Franz didn’t mind taking the gamble.

If they lost, it would only add trouble for the British but if they won, it could undermine Britain’s dominance in South America.

From Austria’s perspective, no matter how you looked at it, this was worth the risk.

As for Peru and Bolivia, the path was theirs to choose, and they would have to walk it, even if it meant doing so with tears.

Austria hadn’t forced them to cede territory or pay reparations. Even ending the war itself was the greatest respect they could offer.

Austria wasn’t just making empty promises. There was real support in the form of weapons and ammunition. Though they would have to pay for them, in times of war, being able to get loans, weapons, and ammunition was a form of support in itself.

No matter what caused the “Guano War” or who was right and wrong, it no longer mattered.

For Peru and Bolivia, the enemy had already come. Now, the goal of the war was no longer about guano or saltpeter, it had become a territorial defense.

Since it was about defending their homes and country, they had no choice but to take up arms themselves. Could they really expect anyone else to do it for them?

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